The case of Noura Hussein has brought the controversial subject of
forced and child marriages to the forefront once again on the world stage.
Noura is a Sudanese youth, now nineteen, who was given away in marriage by her
family when she was only 15. Shortly after the marriage took place—against the
teen’s will—Noura escaped but eventually, after a three-year hiatus, was returned
to the custody of her legal husband by the hand of her own father.
Once locked up again in her husband’s home, Noura continued to refuse the
physical advances of her imposed spouse. In order to consummate the marriage,
according to the young woman’s defense, members of the husband’s family held
Noura down while he raped her. When he tried to rape her again on his own the
next day, Noura stabbed him to death. Seeking help, Noura returned to her own
home, but her family turned her in to the authorities.
Sudan is one of a large number of countries in the world where marital
rape is not considered a crime. Nor is forced marriage by older men to girls as
young as ten. As such, a Sudanese court has considered the slaying of Noura’s
husband to be first degree murder and has sentenced her to death by hanging. Her
defense has appealed the sentence in the midst of a massive worldwide campaign
seeking clemency or a pardon for the young Sudanese woman, who is seen by women’s
rights activists as a victim rather than as a victimizer. A petition circulated
by the campaign, sponsored, among others, by numerous celebrities has already
gathered over a million signatures.
Noura Hussein’s case is of importance far beyond her personal plight
because it draws attention to an unresolved injustice that continues to plague
modern society and which has formed part of a major cross-cultural and
cross-religious debate for decades. The crux of the discussion involves the
continued treating of women as chattel in numerous countries and cultures around
the globe.
In a statement issued last month, the worldwide Justice for Noura
campaign said, “Noura and indeed the women and girls of Sudan have too often
been treated as chattel to be traded and given away as though they are property.
Here today, united and in one voice we wish to say—enough!”
Noura Hussein, the 19-year-old sentenced to
hang for killing her imposed, rapist husband.
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European Union diplomats posted in Sudan have expressed their “firm
opposition” to the death penalty. In making their protest known to the Sudanese
government, they cited a principle of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human
Rights stating that “marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full
consent of the intending spouses.”
More recently, members of the European Parliament tabled a joint
motion on the case. They point to the million signatures gathered on the Justice
for Noura petition, and claim Sudanese authorities have sought to intimidate
her attorneys, a move that “represents an attack on the fair trial process.” The
draft for the EU motion on the case mentions the Human Development Index and
the UN's Gender Inequality Index in both of which Sudan ranks 165th
out of 188 countries, despite a provision in the Sudanese Constitution guaranteeing
that “the state shall protect women from injustice and promote gender equality.”
After an official visit to Sudan last February, Pramila Patten, the UN’s
Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, said that while “there
is a deep-seated culture of denial of sexual violence in Sudan...forced
marriage, marital rape and gender-based violence are considered normal, (and) all
these forms of violence are justified by citing grounds of tradition, culture
and religion.”
But although Sudanese society is a major offender when it comes to forced
child marriages—with more than a third of all women there being married off
before the age of 18 and seven percent of all girls being induced to marry
before the age of 15—it is not, by far, the only country where this happens,
nor is it even the one where the practice is most prevalent. In Bangladesh, for
instance, 18 percent of all girls are bound over in marriage before the age of 15
and 52 percent are wives by the age of 18. And Brazil has a higher percentage
of child brides than Sudan as well, with 11 percent of all girls being married
by the time they reach 15 and 36 percent before they turn 18. In the Central
African Republic, nearly a third of all girls are married off by age 15 and
two-thirds by the time they reach 18. In Ethiopia, Eritrea, South Sudan,
Madagascar, Mozambique, Uganda and Malawi, more than 40 percent (in some cases
the figure is well over 50 percent) of all girls are married before their eighteenth
birthdays.
It seems shocking that while there have long been small pockets of
concern for the rights of so-called child brides and despite the existence of groups
that advocate change, concrete measures at government and multi-lateral levels
have been conspicuous by their absence until quite recently, and even now,
implementation of measures to halt this practice is advancing on a very limited
basis. For example, it wasn’t until four years ago that the United Nations
Human Rights Council passed a resolution against child, early and forced
marriages.
On the upside of that clearly tardy UN resolution is the fact that it
recognizes the correlation between these types of marriages and the violation
of the individual’s basic human rights. It states specifically that such
practices “prevent individuals from living their lives free from all forms of
violence” and adds that this type of marriage “has adverse consequences on the
enjoyment of human rights such as the right to education (and) the right to the
attainment of the highest standard of health, including sexual and reproductive
health.” The 2013 resolution called on
the General Assembly to make the elimination of forced marriage part of its
discussion surrounding post-2015 development goals. But the search for any real
change in this sense clearly remains incipient and anemic.
The increasing inclusion of forced and, especially, child marriages
within the context of debates on global development would be of noteworthy
importance, given that underdevelopment and the violation of women’s basic
rights tend to go hand in hand. This is true, in part, because increased
development tends to bring with it higher economic and social standards
resulting from better education and decreasing poverty levels. This is the
point at which economic and social improvement tend to overlap and prompt
cultural change.
In this sense, it should be noted that forced and child marriages are
quite often the direct result of poverty, with parents frequently handing their
female children over to wealthier, usually much older men in exchange for
pardoned debts or other sorts of economic compensation. Running counter to this is the
dowry system in which eligible bachelors are paid dowries (compensation in
property or money) by a girl’s parents in arranged marriages that are
considered beneficial to both families involved, but that seldom take the
girl’s own aspirations or desires into account.
The basic controversy regarding forced and child marriages is over the
clash between “religious and social traditions” and the rights—both human and
civil—of the individual. Even more importantly, forming part of the main lines
of debate in this controversy is whether religion and tradition can preclude
and supersede the morally obligatory and internationally recognized duty of
society to protect children’s rights. That said, advanced nations like the US
and Canada have often seemed reluctant to intervene in the “religious and
social traditions” of some of their immigrant communities for fear of appearing
discriminatory or racist. Realistically, however, by the standards of modern
civilized Western society, the procedures that go into the making of a forced
marriage include criminally prosecutable offenses including kidnapping,
assault, battery, and reiterated rape, as well as pedophilia and the sexual
abuse minors.
Furthermore, one might consider any wedding of a minor to a person of
legal age to be a “forced marriage”, since children under the age of legal competence
are not legally responsible and so, even if they “agree” to such a marital
contract, society should protect them from themselves by challenging the
legality of such a union. Be that as it may, many states in the US, for
example, don’t stipulate any specific legal age for marriage whatsoever, as
long as parental and/or judicial consent is given for the wedding to take
place. And of those which do stipulate a limit, it is often shockingly low.
In general, in the fifty states—with the exception of Mississippi where
the age of marital consent is 21—people can marry legally at 18. However, with
parental and/or judicial consent, and under specific circumstances, the marriage
of children—usually girls—is possible in some states as early as 14 years of
age, and in the majority of states, teens can marry, with parental and/or
judicial consent, between the ages of 15 and 17.
Recent studies allege that hundreds of Pakistani girls living in New
York City are victims of forced marriage. In these cases, the victims have most
often been flown out of New York to Pakistan to undergo the marriages there.
Those who resist are frequently threatened and coerced. There are advocacy
groups, however, that are seeking to stop this practice and that are directing
girls in this situation to social institutions and law enforcement to help them
escape this fate.
Members of the homegrown US Fundamentalist Church of the Latter Day
Saints have also been suspected of trafficking underage women across state
lines, as well as across the US–Canada and US–Mexico borders, for the
purpose of involuntary polygamous marriages and sexual abuse. Canadian police make
it clear that, despite the religious overtones, this in essence constitutes “human
trafficking in connection with illicit sexual activity.” But while the
activities of these fundamentalist Mormons have sparked changes in laws in both
the US and Canada, surprisingly few cases have resulted in firm charges against
the perpetrators.
Canada, meanwhile, has been a leading advocate and supporter for efforts
to address child marriage internationally. Nevertheless, anti-child
marriage activists explain that marriage laws vary among Canadian provinces and
territories. While the legal age of marriage is generally 18, in many
provinces, a person with consent from both parents can be married at age 16 or 17.
In an interview with Canadian Television (CTV), activist Saadya Hamdani,
explained that such exceptions (like those cited in the US as well) can lead to
forced marriage because the bride’s consent is not explicitly sought. Rather,
it is her parents who have to give their consent and within the veil of secrecy
surrounding these types of cultural and religious traditions, such exceptions may
lead to parents forcing their daughters into matrimony.
“The cultural value that is attached to marriage is a very big problem,”
Hamdani told CTV.
According to a South Asian Legal Clinic of Ontario report published in
September of 2013, there were 219 confirmed or suspected cases of forced
marriage in Ontario and Quebec from 2010 to 2012. In 57 percent of those cases,
the minors involved were also taken out of the country to get married and were
then often brought back in by their imposed spouses.
That said, Canada has played a vital role in drawing attention to the
problem and was highly active in seeking passage of the UN resolution mentioned
earlier. It wasn’t until 2015, however, that Canada enshrined its anti-forced
marriage stance in law, typifying two new criminal offences. As a result,
forcing a person to marry against her will is now a felony in Canada, as is
aiding and abetting child marriage. The legislation also describes as a legal
offense the “solemnizing” of forced unions once they have taken place.
This last is noteworthy, since despite the fact that many countries have
laws setting legal age limits for marriage, a recent study from the Pew
research center shows that these laws are often ignored and that not enough is
done to rigorously enforce them, especially after the fact.
The activist group known as Girls Not Brides has brought together the collective expertise of more than 150
member organizations, partners and other experts to develop a Theory of Change aimed
at mapping out the critical strategies to end child marriage and to provide
effective support to married girls. The group posits that in order to halt the
multiple abuses encompassed in forced child marriage, accountability is key.
Every segment of the international and local communities, the group indicates,
has a role to play in ending forced and child marriages.
Girls Not Brides adds that ending child marriage and supporting married
girls will require serious and intensive work in four major areas: empowering
girls and women, mobilizing families and entire communities, providing
necessary and effective services, and establishing and enforcing laws and
policies to bring an end to the practice.
No matter what the final outcome of the trial of Noura Hussein for the
slaying of her imposed spouse and erstwhile rapist might be, the nightmare that
she is going through right now is the direct result of the abhorrent and
immoral practice of forced child marriage, and her tragic case has brought this
topic to world attention. There are no grounds of tradition or religion that
can possibly supersede the sanctity of basic human rights, or that can justify
the kidnapping, enslavement and sexual abuse of women, as defined in universal
treaties and global law.
Forced marriage, and particularly the forced marriage of minors is not a
tradition or a religious rite. It is a criminal act and should be treated at
such around the world. It is time to stop ignoring and overlooking it and for
international and local organizations and agencies to start taking full
responsibility for the protection and sheltering of girls and young women. More
importantly, it is time for them to quit giving mere lip service to women’s
rights and to gender equality and to effectively start doing something about
them.
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