Skip to main content

SYRIA: POWER GAMES AND UTTER INDIFFERENCE TO A VERITABLE HELL ON EARTH



The announcement this past week that US President Donald Trump would freeze an already paltry 200 million dollars in additional aid funds that were to be used for recovery efforts in Syria would appear to make clear his administration’s complete lack of empathy for the people of that war-ravaged country. The additional funding had been announced during a Middle East diplomatic trip in February by former US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, whom Trump would unceremoniously sack via Twitter shortly afterward.
Trump last week told a crowd of his supporters that the US would be leaving Syria “like, very soon” and said that it would be other countries’ job “to take care of it” from now on. This was not inconsistent with Trump’s stance on Syria prior to his election at the end of 2016, when he said that he thought a good solution would be to let Russia handle it. There can be little doubt that Russia is “handling it” by materially and militarily aiding and abetting the Syrian regime in perpetrating war crimes and mass slaughter against the very people that it rules. 
That said, the fact is that US presence will probably not be terribly missed in Syria. Up to now, Washington’s attitude toward the horrendous war that has been raging there without respite for the past seven years has been lukewarm at best.
Assad and Putin, a living hell of fire and fury.
Even ostensible US invention in failed peace efforts under the administration of Trump’s predecessor, Barack Obama, was less than hearty and quickly gave way to an apparent desire to tread lightly around Russia and to avoid helping rebels attempting to overthrow the pro-Russian regime there, rather than seeking to protect the most vulnerable victims of that conflict, innocent Syrians on whom the Russian-backed regime of Bashar al-Assad is raining down a living hell of fire and fury.
The fear of the West that jihadist groups fighting Assad could end up being even more anti-Western than the current regime is behind their apparent indifference to the horrific plight of the Syrian people. Nobody but Putin among world leaders wants Assad in power but the rebels fighting him are an unknown factor. Assad at least pays lip-service to the idea of a modern, secular—albeit dictatorial—Syria, rather than a radical fundamentalist regime, and Russia will make sure that he sticks to that policy since Moscow doesn’t want to have to deal with the whims of an Islamist theocracy either. So Assad has the unconditional support of Putin (and his UN veto) and has garnered the tacit preference of the West, despite pseudo-humanitarian chest-beating to the contrary.
A US media fireworks show with no encore
Trump’s own 2017 attack on a Syrian air base—in which 59 Tomahawk missiles worth 100 million dollars (half the amount of the Syria recovery funds that the Trump administration is now cutting) were launched from a US naval vessel in retaliation for one of many chemical warfare attacks that Assad has ordered against his own people—was, as it turned out, largely a media fireworks show that hasn’t been repeated since, despite continuing gross human rights violations and war crimes being committed by Assad and foreign forces backing his nefarious regime.
Furthermore, what Western intervention that there has been in Syria—whether direct or through regional surrogates—has mostly been aimed at destroying ISIL, the worldwide Islamist terror organization that Washington had long seen as the number one threat to US security. Precious little of what the US has done in that war has had anything to do with shielding the Syrian people from the inhuman violence being waged against them by their own authoritarian government with the indispensable help of Vladimir Putin’s Russia.
More specifically, Washington’s fight against ISIL in Syria is considered by the current administration to be basically over. Even if efforts to destroy the last pockets of ISIL resistance have not so far met with success, the US-led coalition fighting there has, indeed, taken back most of the positions that ISIL once held, and it apparently seems clear to the current Trump team that if Russia hopes to keep Bashar al-Assad in power, the ragged remains of the ISIL combat groups still in Syria will have to be dealt with, if not by Damascus, then more than likely by Moscow in order for the dictatorship to prevail. So the only thing Washington and the West as a whole need to do in order to declare their role in the Syrian tragedy finished, is to celebrate the “win” over ISIL and look the other way as Assad, with the help of his Russian cohorts, continues to murder and maim innocent men, women and children by the thousands in that nation, where the war has so far claimed nearly half a million lives.
Iran, Turkey, Russia...and Assad forever
No sooner had the US president announced that he was stepping back from Syria than Russia, Iran and Turkey let it be known that they would seek to broker “peace” in Syria. It should be pointed out once again the only goal of Russia in Syria is to keep Assad in power, since Assad protects and enables Russian interests in the region. But it is worth noting too that the Iranian government has also long backed the Assad regime, finances Hezbollah guerrillas that are a major pro-Assad force in the war and that, while Turkey is ostensibly opposed to Assad, it has long been maneuvering around its US ally in order to attack Kurdish forces fiercely opposing both ISIL and Assad in Syria, since it considers the Kurds to be enemies of the Turkish state. Seen in this way, it is hard to imagine how any action that these three countries might take will lead to any sort of peace except one in which the Assad regime remains in power and his opponents end up being crushed in a war that will continue to generate overwhelming collateral damage.
Clearly, there can be no doubt that the innocent civilians of Syria—the ones remaining there, since the fighting has given rise to an exodus of more than 5 million refugees and of some 6 million homeless migrants—find themselves trapped in what has become a living hell, a term that is clearly more literal than figurative. The devastation wreaked by the war is obvious. Nowhere in the country is there anywhere in which entire neighborhoods or entire cities have not been reduced to rubble. The extent of the humanitarian crisis bred by the war is mind-boggling and there is no sign of peace in sight.
Like the Rwanda genocide before it, the war in Syria is a humanitarian horror show in which a common world front to save an entire people from mass violence and murder is conspicuous by its absence. The major powers have forsaken the Syrian people in pursuit of their own geopolitical interests, while dogged Russian diplomatic resistance has tied the hands of the United Nations.
Emboldened by Western indifference and Russian collaboration, Bashar al-Assad has renewed and heightened his cold-blooded campaign of murder and mayhem against his own people in recent weeks, as the world looks on and does less than nothing, and while the neighborhoods where Syrian men, women and children once thrived have become the blood-soaked battlegrounds for a super-power proxy war and for a regional power war of attrition that seems to know no end. As such, Syria has become yet another ugly blot on the history of humanitarian intervention, and an indictment of shame against world leaders as a whole.


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

MILTON FRIEDMAN: A CONSERVATIVE VOICE FOR FREE MONEY FOR ALL

Milton Friedman Milton Friedman, who died in 2006 at the age of 94, was for decades considered, a leading US economist, who garnered worldwide renown. Winner of the 1976 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics for his many achievements, Friedman criticized traditional Keynesian economics as “naïve” and reinterpreted many of the economic theories broadly accepted up to his era. He was an outspoken free market capitalist who acted as an honored adviser to emblematically ultra-conservative world leaders such as US President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and his theories on such key areas as monetary policy, privatization and deregulation exercised a major influence on the governing policies of many Western governments and multilateral organizations in the 1980s and ‘90s. Such a staunch conservative would seem like an unlikely academic to go to in search of backing for the controversial idea of giving spending money away to every person and family, no strin

UNIVERSAL BASIC INCOME—INTRODUCTION TO A CONTROVERSY WHOSE DAY IS COMING

For some time now, the warning signs have been clear to anyone studying the evolution of free-market economies worldwide. Job creation is not keeping pace with job attrition and demographic expansion. The tendency is toward a world with ever more people and ever fewer jobs. While most politicians and world leaders praise the technological revolution that has served up extraordinary advances to billions the world over, the dwindling sources of legitimate employment belie optimism for the average individual’s future work possibilities. Among possible solutions, one of the most salient is the controversial idea of some sort of basic “allowance” to ensure coverage of people’s personal needs. But this is an idea that is still in its infancy, while its practical application may be more urgently required than is generally presumed. In Western capitalist society there has long been a conservative idea that the capitalist makes money through investment and that the worker makes a living wi

A CASTRO BY ANY OTHER NAME...

Although many Western observers are already showing optimism over the semi-retirement of Raúl Castro and the rise to office of the previously obscure Miguel Díaz Canel, what just happened in Cuba is not a regime change. In fact, for the moment, it appears that very little will change in that island nation, including the severe restriction of human and civil rights with which Cubans have been living for the past six decades. Miguel Díaz Canel While it is true that Díaz Canel is the first person other than Fidel and Raúl Castro in nearly 60 years to ostensibly take charge of the country, he was handpicked by Raúl to ensure the continuation of a Castro dynasty that has been ensconced in power since the end of the Cuban Revolution in 1959. He has garnered Castro's favor by eschewing personal power quests and adhering to the regime’s main political and economic lines in his most recent post as the country’s First Vice-President, after long years as a grassroots regime champion